I turned on my TV on Inauguration Day, but avoided coverage of the event in a bid to depress the ratings. No doubt I will be arrested for that act of lèse–majesté in due course. Regardless, I spent that time watching the King Center‘s Celebration of Martin Luther King Jr. Day — on which this year’s Inauguration Day fell this year. During the event, trenchant analyses were offered by the late civil rights hero’s daughter, lawyer Bernice King, and revered minister and policy scholar William J. Barber II.
Inspired, I decided to take an analytical approach to reviewing the Day 1 barrage of Donald Trump’s executive orders and actions. I decided to organize these directives into categories, to see if there was a discernible pattern, or another helpful way to synthesize them.
What quickly became clear was that this patchwork of orders extended beyond simple categorization. These were not single-minded efforts to support the robber barons, shore up the values of white supremacy, or even lay out a fascist or imperialist vision. Instead, what emerged in both domestic and international contexts was a modern adaptation of Rudyard Kipling’s 1899 poem The White Man’s Burden. [Ed: Published in 1899, Kipling’s “The White Man’s Burden” promotes colonialism as a noble mission where white colonizers must “civilize” non-white peoples, portrayed as “half devil and half child.” The poem frames imperialism as a thankless but necessary duty, where colonizers face resistance from the “sullen peoples” they claim to help. Despite enduring hatred and ingratitude, the white colonizer must persist in this “burden” of enforcing their rule and values on others. The poem’s themes justify white supremacy and colonial exploitation under the guise of moral obligation.]
It was immediately clear this was a series of actions designed to cement an American wealthy white male vision of governance.
Let us explore the various sub-categories.
On immigration:
Across nine categories, the actions frame a “southern border emergency” that justifies cruel measures to halt immigration “by all means necessary.” Notably absent is any mention of those entering via airports or the northern border using tourist visas. The Visa Waiver Program grants easy tourist access to residents of 43 countries — only seven of which (Brunei, Israel, Japan, Qatar, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan) are not European, Australian, or New Zealander. The message is clear: the immigration priorities target Black and Brown populations, specifically.
On racial and gender discrimination:
The following occurred to me, inspired by Dr. Bernice King’s speech: Trump’s three central actions essentially modernize the 1956 Southern Manifesto‘s “massive resistance” to Brown v. Board of Education. In the latter case, the US Supreme Court found that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional. In response, Southern politicians organized a campaign to resist desegregation through an elaborate network of resistance initiatives, such as school closures and economic retaliation against integration supporters.
But in the current iteration, Trump’s war on DEI expands the scope, moving beyond race to target individuals based on their sex, gender identity, or sexual orientation. Merit gets redefined: a white man’s hiring reflects merit despite qualification gaps (they’re “disruptors”), while others are dismissed as “just DEI hires.” This isn’t the new right — it’s the old far right repackaged, where the wealthy and powerful demand absolute loyalty from their appointees.
On the environment:
The six energy-related actions declare an “emergency” to justify reverting to fossil fuels, dismissing both renewable energy and environmental justice. It’s a return to old Oil Patch politics – complete with reverting place names to honor white settlers and Confederate figures, while paying mere lip service to Native Alaskan and Mexican concerns. Pure 19th-century manifest destiny thinking.
On foreign policy:
The seven foreign policy actions reflect a narrow, self-interested vision – not of the United States, but of a select group – dismissing global concerns about climate, trade, foreign policy, and development assistance. They reject OECD tax obligations on wealthy individuals and corporations, pursuing wealth accumulation at any cost.
On crime:
Regarding the January 6 Capital Attacks, Trump took action to pardon, commute sentences, and dismiss charges against the predominantly white male participants in the failed insurrection. The narrative frames them as loyal followers whose violence was mere misconduct rather than criminal behavior. Attorney General nominee Pam Bondi’s confirmation hearing suggested she might review all 1,600 cases for pardons, commutations, or dismissals with prejudice — though her meaning was characteristically unclear.
Two key actions aim to reinstate the death penalty and target Biden laptop “deniers” — though notably absent is any clemency for Alexander Smirnov, the convicted conspiracy theorist behind these claims.
On reorganization:
The executive branch faces twin constraints: a hiring freeze crippling current operations and a regulatory freeze preventing adaptation to new challenges. This creates a familiar pattern: handicap government services, then cite their inefficiency to justify privatization.
Eight actions consolidate executive control under Trump’s inner circle – his handpicked chairs, vice chairs, and cabinet officials – while granting Top Secret/SCI clearances to chosen loyalists outside normal vetting processes. This raises concerns about potential sale of classified intelligence to highest bidders.
On the economy:
There is an economic action involving vague directives to reduce living costs through government persuasion. This appears to be empty rhetoric designed merely to placate public concerns about grocery prices.
Finally, a couple of actions do not neatly fit into any of these categories:
Two final actions showcase doublespeak: first, a ban on “government weaponization” that actually enables targeting political opponents; second, a flag-raising protocol change meant to obscure that Trump’s previous complaints about honoring President Carter were mere petulance. Meanwhile, 78 Biden-era policies were rescinded to clear the path for Trump’s broader agenda.
Pulling it all together:
This vision serves wealthy white American men while ignoring the 800 Americans who die daily from poverty, according to Reverend Barber.
Treasury nominee Bessent revealed this mindset by opposing both Social Security cap increases and minimum wage hikes, claiming millionaires “run the economy.”
While MLK Jr.’s 1963 call for a minimum wage would equal $18 today adjusted for inflation, it remains at $7.25. The message is clear: unless you’re wealthy Trump voters – particularly within his three of five white men supporters – you have been misled. Everyone else who supported Trump faces an even starker reality. So it goes on MLK, Jr. Day.
Benjamin G. Davis is an Emeritus Professor of Law at the University of Toledo College of Law in Ohio.
