It has been three years that the Taliban imposed a ban on secondary and university education for girls in Afghanistan. The initial ban was decreed by the Taliban’s unseen leader shortly after their return to power. Despite claiming that the decision was aligned with Islamic law, he provided no specific Islamic justification for the prohibition. Subsequently, a second ban targeted female university education. On December 22, the acting Minister of Higher Education cited four reasons for this closure: the presence of female students in dormitories, travel from provinces without a mahram (male guardian), failure to observe the hijab, and the existence of mixed-gender classes.
The Taliban’s policies regarding women’s education are contradictory and displays a profound hypocrisy. It is differ significantly from their statements in international gatherings, press conferences, and writings. During the Doha Peace negotiations between the Taliban and the U.S. government, Shahab Uddin Delaware, a leading negotiator for the Taliban, said, “We will respect women’s rights in general. Under our rule, women would have the right to work and get an education.” Two days after they came to power, Zabiullah Mujahid, the Taliban spokesman, appeared at a press conference, stating they would respect women’s rights in all fields and adhere to international human rights law as long as it does not violate Sharia law. Moreover, Amir Khan Mutaqi, the acting foreign minister of the Taliban, affirmed in a paper released on Al-Jazeera on March 23, 2023, that they respect all citizens’ rights. However, for the past three years, it has remained a dream for girls to reattend classes in both universities and schools beyond the sixth grade.
Indeed, The Taliban’s educational policies has deprived millions of girls from their fundamental rights of education. So, it will yield devastating consequences not only for females, but also for the broader future of Afghanistan. These policies will result in the complete isolation of women, effectively removing them from social participation and significantly hindering the nation’s future development.
Historically. King Aman Ullah Khan and his wife, Queen Suraya, established the first female school in Afghanistan in 1923 and sent female students abroad for higher education. However, from 2001 to 2021, the development of female education became a cornerstone for the newly established government and the international community. During this period of time a significant number of female students—millions—attended schools and universities. “From 2002 to 2021, 3,816,793 girls were enrolled in 1st through 12 grades, and” 80,554 females were teaching in schools. According to the Afghan Ministry of Higher Education’s achievement book, the number female university students increased from zero in 2001 to 101,763 and number of female lecturers, in public and private universities, reached 2,211, in 2019.
The historical background of women’s education in Afghanistan shows that both the institutions and the people of Afghanistan have supported the pursuit and acquisition of modern education. The Taliban’s policies disregard these historical educational achievements and create a disgraceful and shameful history for future generations.
Unlike the Taliban’s ideological framework, Islamic law neither restricts access to education nor endorses gender-based educational systems. The Qur’an encourages the pursuit of knowledge for all believers. In Surah Al-Alaq (96:1-5), the first revelation to the Prophet Muhammad emphasizes reading, knowledge, and learning, Translation: “Read in the name of your Lord who created. Created man from a clot. Read, and your Lord is the Most Generous—Who taught by the pen—taught man what he did not know.” Indeed, Surah Al-Alaq serves as a powerful reminder of the importance of education and knowledge in Islam. It underscores that seeking knowledge is a divine command and an essential part of human development and worship. Muhammad Al-Yaqoubi praised that God did not choose these words randomly; each holds significance from the time of revelation to the end of the world. Sadaf, M. Sadiq Ali Khan Kiran stressed that These verses have inspired countless Muslims throughout history to pursue learning and contribute to various fields of knowledge.
Moreover, the Qur’an does not differentiate between men and women regarding the pursuit of knowledge. In Surah Al-Zumar (39:9), it states Translation: “Are those who know equal to those who do not know?” This verse clearly elevates the status of those who seek and possess knowledge. It suggests that knowledge brings about a level of discernment, understanding, and wisdom that sets knowledgeable individuals apart from those who are ignorant.
In addition to the Qur’an, Hadiths, as the second source of Islamic law, also stressed the importance of seeking knowledge for all Muslims. A well-known Hadith stated that Translation: “Seeking knowledge is an obligation upon every Muslim”(Sunan Ibn Majah). The use of the term “every Muslim” indicates that the pursuit of knowledge is not restricted by gender, age, or status. It is a universal obligation for all Muslims.
Also, The Prophet Mohammad emphasized the importance of educating daughters. He is reported to have saidTranslation: Whoever has three daughters, educates them, and is merciful to them will go to Paradise” (Al-Adab Al-Mufrad). The hadith specifically mentions educating daughters, which underscores the importance of providing girls with knowledge and learning opportunities.
Thus, as it has been described, the Islamic law advocate for the education of all individuals, regardless of gender. The Qur’an and Hadiths provide a strong foundation for the pursuit of knowledge, emphasizing that it is a duty for every Muslim, male and female. The examples set by the Prophet Muhammad and the early Muslim community further reinforce the importance of female education in Islam.
The Taliban not only disregarded Islamic law, but also they did not fulfill their promise to respect international human law. They violated international human rights conventions by prohibiting girls from attending schools. As a state party to several key international human rights conventions, Afghanistan has committed to protecting a range of fundamental rights, including the right to education and the freedoms of its citizens, both male and female. By ratifying major treaties such as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), Afghanistan has pledged to align its national laws and policies with international human rights standards.
Despite being aware that both Islamic law and international human rights law endorse female education, they persist in enforcing their bans, citing invalid reasons. This underscores their hypocritical approaches, misinterpretation of Islamic law, and disregard for international human rights in the context of women’s education.
It is extremely important to highlight the hypocrisy of the Taliban regarding girl’s education. While they deprived millions of Afghan girls from attending schools and universities, their daughters receive education abroad, A report by a non-profit policy research group, published in the Daily Mail, reveals that most Qatar-based Taliban leaders have enrolled their daughters in schools and universities. The report, which includes interviews with 30 individuals, including nine senior Taliban officials, indicates that all Qatar-based Taliban and their families seek modern education for both their sons and daughters. Furthermore, stressed that some Taliban elites, such as Amir Khan Mutaqi, educate their daughters in Pakistan; Mutaqi’s two daughters attend a college in Peshawar.
In contrast to the leaders who provide their children with modern education, the Chief Justice of the Taliban emphasizes religious education over modern education in his book, known as the Manifesto of the Taliban. This book, which includes a preface written by the supreme leader of the Taliban, advises that girls should receive their education at home from their Mahram (immediate relatives such as husbands, brothers, or fathers).
Highlighting their hypocrisy, Hassan Abbas described the Taliban as “not yesterday’s men.” He further adds that a Taliban official he spoke with about human and women’s rights argued that “the Taliban first need stability and control.” This argument indicates that women’s rights are not prioritized under their rule.
Furthermore, the Taliban hypocrisy reveals that their anti-women policies remain unchanged and are unlikely to change, as these policies are deliberate. Women’s education threatens their authority because it leads to financial independence and frees women from unilateral male control. With education and workforce participation, marital relationships shift from male ownership to mutually respectful, emotional, and contractual partnerships that foster collaborative living. This modern view of marital dynamics fundamentally conflicts with the Taliban’s interpretations.
Moreover, women’s education is vital for community well-being. As half of the population, women play a significant role in child-rearing. An educated mother raises educated children, who then transform communities by embracing modern values such as liberty, justice, and human rights. Therefore, providing educational opportunities challenges the Taliban’s ideology, authority, and governance.
In conclusion, the Taliban’s ban on girls’ education is a profound violation of both Islamic law and international human rights standards. Despite their claims to the contrary, their actions reveal a deep hypocrisy and a deliberate effort to suppress women’s rights and education. The devastating consequences of these policies will not only isolate women but also hinder the development and future of Afghanistan. It is crucial to continue advocating for the education of Afghan girls and to hold the Taliban accountable for their actions.
Tawab Danish is a visiting scholar at Cornell University’s School of Law. He was previously an assistant professor of law at Parwan University in Afghanistan.
