Mary E. Gibson, Pitt Law '08, files from Prishtina:

Independence for Kosovo is nothing new — independence fervor did not begin in 1998 when conflicts escalated from Slobodan MiloÅ¡ević's ethnic cleansing of Albanians. Rather, it's been fermenting since before the Ottoman Empire's victory at the Battle of Kosovo in 1389. Kosovar-Albanians believed independence could have been achieved this summer but those hopes sank after the latest G8 Summit, a UN Security Council meeting, George W. Bush's visit to Albania, and Vladimir Putin's visit to Washington. It now seems that despite a new UN draft on Kosovo's status, which eliminated definite plans for independence, Russia, a veto-carrying member of the UN Security Council, still may not be satisfied with the situation.

In the meantime, Kosovo – a Serbian province comprised of over 90% Albanians – will continue to be administered by the United Nations. But how long can this arrangement be sustained? In terms of local grassroots politics, there are groups representing both sides of the independence issue and at the end of June, both sides were heard through their public demonstrations. June 28th, the anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo — a battle celebrated by the Serbians and an anniversary date used by leaders, such as MiloÅ¡ević in 1989, to rally people in favor of a greater Serbia, provided a backdrop for the anti-independence movement. The ancient battlefield was papered with posters stating that Kosovo is a part of Serbia and Kosovo will return to Serbia. Two days later, the Vetevendosje, a group advocating self determination for Kosovo, countered the June 28th anniversary with a protest of their own through the streets of Pristina, Kosovo's capital city. The group performed skits that critiqued the status talks and presented symbolic acts, such as raising the Albanian flag that confirmed their ethnic heritage.

While independence for Kosovo is a contentious issue within the region and the world, Kosovo's provisional self-government continues to look toward independence, as evident by their vote of 100-1 in support of an independent Kosovar state. Members of the Assembly of Kosovo are hard at work laying legal foundations through laws ranging from the economy to social welfare. Despite the preparation and some initial implementation, people and businesses hesitate to rely on the Assembly's progress because of Kosovo's uncertain status. If the international community could agreed to a definite plan for Kosovo's future, people in the region would be encouraged to further build their economy.

For almost all Albanians, Kosovo rejoining Serbia is no longer an option. Milošević's endorsement of ethnic cleansing in the 1990s and the Serbian Radical Party's current support for suppressing the Albanians in Kosovo would not provide an environment where democracy would flourish. Even though there have been pockets of Albanian retaliation against the Serbians after the 1999 conflict, none of those actions were government sponsored. While actions by a group of angry people are not excusable, the provisional self-government has been working to end the violence through government sponsored programs and anti-discrimination acts.

Other countries were carved from the former Yugoslavia, and Kosovo could be seen as following in that pre-established path to independence. However, Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina were all considered republics under Yugoslavia, while Kosovo was only considered a province. Kosovo's province status did provide for greater powers, which included a seat at the Federal Presidency, and that autonomy could be seen as a stepping stone for an independent state.

Today, many Albanians in Kosovo try to focus on the future and not on the past, despite the recent atrocities. Time may heal all wounds, but without news from the international community concerning Kosovo's status, the general population and the provisional self-government may press harder for answers.