The flaw in [respondents'] argument is its premise: that the disclosure provision provides consumers with a right to bring an action in a court of law. It does not. Rather, it imposes an obligation on credit repair organizations to supply consumers with a specific statement set forth (in quotation marks) in the statute. The only consumer right it creates is the right to receive the statement, which is meant to describe the consumer protections that the law elsewhere provides.

The court heard oral arguments [JURIST report] in the case in October. The attorney for CompuCredit argued that strong federal policy in favor of arbitration overrides any differing laws that discourage waivers of rights to sue. Respondents argued that the CROA explicitly bans any suggestion of waiving the right to sue and that credit card companies should be fined for even asking applicants to sign an arbitration waiver.

Al-Qahtani has been at the center of many controversies pertaining to the treatment of prisoners held at Guantanamo Bay. In April the US military released hundreds of classified documents to select news organizations [NYT report], including one which revealed that al-Qahtani was leashed like a dog, sexually humiliated and forced to urinate on himself. In January 2009 Susan Crawford, then-convening authority of military commissions, admitted [JURIST report] that torture tactics were used against al-Qahtani. Crawford refused to allow prosecution of al-Qahtani because he was tortured. In November 2008 US military prosecutors filed a new set of charges against al-Qahtani over his alleged role in the 9/11 attacks, after dropping charges in May 2008 [JURIST reports] following suspicions that al-Qahtani's statements were coerced by US torture [JURIST report]. US military personnel captured al-Qahtani in Afghanistan in December 2001 and transferred him to Guantanamo, where he has been held ever since.

The acceptance of the indictment came after the prosecution charged the two men [JURIST report] last week. Turkey has been facing numerous coup plots during the past years and continues to bring charges against military officials and individuals for such crimes against the government. In November, 13 Turkish journalists were accused of plotting [JURIST report] to overthrow the government. In August, the court also issued arrest warrants [JURIST report] for seven generals and admirals in relation with allegations that they created an anti-government website in 2009. After detainment for questioning three high ranking military officials in connection with their alleged coup plot, the Turkish court released [JURIST report] them but they remained under investigation.

The court heard oral arguments [JURIST report] in the case in November. During oral arguments the court appeared to be strongly convinced by the government-petitioner's argument that Bivens should continue to be used as a last resort and not expanded when state law provides adequate redress. Respondents argued that Bivens casts a wide net and allows any specific civil action that is not delineated by that state's law, whereas several justices argued with the attorney that almost any action could be addressed by state tort law. Respondent also suggested that as his client was a federal prisoner prosecuted by the federal government, with only access to federal law in the prison library, he should be allowed to address his claims in federal court.

Federal courts should be wary of interfering with the voting process, but we agree with the district court and the Sixth Circuit that "'it is always in the public interest to prevent the violation of a party’s constitutional rights.'" ... "While the public has an interest in the will of the voters being carried out ... the public has a more profound and long-term interest in upholding an individual's constitutional rights." ... We therefore hold that the district court did not abuse its discretion in determining that the preliminary injunction was not adverse to the public interest.

Despite its approval by voters in November 2010, the Oklahoma state amendment was soon after blocked by a federal judge [JURIST reports]. Before Tuesday's ruling, the constitutionality of the amendment has been consistently controversial, as it has been both condemned as un-American [JURIST comment], and also supported as a preemptive strike [Daily Mail report] against the use of Islamic law in Oklahoma. The lawsuit was originally filed on behalf of Muneer Awad [WT backgrounder], executive director of the Oklahoma CAIR.

For petitioners who pursue direct review all the way to this Court, the judgment becomes final at the "conclusion of direct review"—when this Court affirms a conviction on the merits or denies a petition for certiorari. For all other petitioners, the judgment becomes final at the "expiration of the time for seeking such review"—when the time for pursuing direct review in this Court, or in state court, expires.

The court heard oral arguments [JURIST report] in the case in November. During arguments, the petitioner argued that a COA that does not fully comply with all the requirements of the statute, nonetheless confers jurisdiction on the federal appeals court. Petitioner also argued that the one-year statute of limitations for federal habeas corpus review should not begin until the ruling is final according to State law, as opposed to a uniform federally-imposed definition of a final ruling. The state argued that, because the COA was incomplete due to the district court judge's error, it did not meet the requirements of the statute and, therefore, did not confer jurisdiction on the appeals court. The state also argued that the statute provides a two-prong to determine with the clock starts to run and that, even where that might start the clock running before state habeas corpus review becomes available, the clock should start nonetheless.

The Israeli government has been active in passing strict laws in the new year. An Israeli government panel Monday approved a bill that would make it illegal to use any Nazi symbols [JURIST report], names, or images, including the use of the term "Nazi" and any clothing resembling that worn by prisoners at concentration camps. The bill would impose a fine up to USD $26,000 and a possible jail sentence of six months, although Nazi symbols would be allowed for educational and historical purposes. Last week, Knesset passed a law that changed the rules [JURIST report] governing the selection of Supreme Court [official website] justices. The law has been criticized [AP report] for undermining the independence of the judiciary in an effort to further a conservative judge favored by the government. Many fear the new laws will influence judicial decisions, impede upon the rights of the press and be used to harass liberal groups.

Obedience to the command of a court, and that too of the Apex Court of the country, is not a game of chess or a game of hide and seek. It is, of course, a serious business and governance of the State and maintaining the constitutional balance and equilibrium cannot be allowed to be held hostage to political tomfoolery or shenanigans. ... We may unhesitatingly observe that in our country governed by a Constitution political loyalty cannot be accepted as stronger than loyalty to the State and dictates of a political master or party cannot be allowed to be put up as a defence to failure to obey the Constitution.

Pakistan has faced an ongoing struggle with corruption that the courts have attempted to battle. Last month, the Supreme Court formed a judicial committee to investigate a secret memo [JURIST report] sent from an unknown Pakistani source to US Admiral Mike Mullen in May asking for help in preventing a suspected army coup. Zardari and former Pakistan ambassador to the US Husain Haqqani have been accused of writing or having knowledge of the memo, and both have denied these allegations. Tuesday's warning stems from court orders issued when the Supreme Court struck down [JURIST report] the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) [text] in 2010, which granted immunity to Zardari and 8,000 other government officials from charges of corruption, embezzlement, money laundering, murder and terrorism between January 1986 and October 1999. The NRO was signed [JURIST report] by former Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf [BBC profile] in 2007.

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay urged the Yemeni government Friday not to pass the proposed legislation [JURIST report] because it would be unjust to the victims of human rights violations. Pillay had requested an investigation [JURIST report] of Saleh and his administration in early December for alleged human rights violations in violence against protesters. The UN Security also urged the Yemeni government [JURIST report] to stop violence against protesters in September, weeks after it had issued a press release declaring a humanitarian crisis [text] in the country. Saleh agreed to step down [JURIST report] from his office in April amidst pressure from nationwide protests.

A US military judge denied a motion to dismiss [JURIST report] the charges against Wuterich in 2010, setting the trial in motion. His trial was postponed in 2008 [JURIST report] while prosecutors appealed a decision to get rid of a subpoena for an unaired portion of a CBS interview with him regarding the incident. Wuterich was originally charged with unpremeditated murder, but that charge was dropped after a recommendation from an investigating officer [JURIST report] in 2007. Charges against Lt. Col. Jeffrey Chessani [JURIST news archive] were dropped in June 2008, a decision that was upheld [JURIST reports] the following March. Also in June 2008 1st Lt. Andrew Grayson [JURIST news archive] was cleared on all counts, including charges that he ordered a subordinate officer to delete photographic evidence [JURIST reports] of the killings. In August 2007 all charges against Lance Cpl. Justin Sharratt and Capt. Randy W. Stone were dismissed [JURIST report]. An official report on the Haditha incident by US Army Major General Eldon Bargewell found "serious misconduct" [JURIST report] at all levels of the US Marine Corps chain of command.