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Legal news from Thursday, March 20, 2003 |
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Food and the Geneva Conventions
Bernard Hibbitts on March 20, 2003 9:58 PM ET

[JURIST] The British Overseas Agencies Group - representing Save the Children UK, Oxfam, Christian Aid and other UK-based humanitarian agencies - released a statement Thursday calling for immediate action, in accordance with international humanitarian law, to avert critical food shortages in Iraq: The Geneva Conventions stipulate that the UK government and other warring parties must ensure the provision of food and other essential items such as medicines, water, and shelter to all those who need them, both during and after a conflict, including those whose supplies are cut off as a result of military action. 14 - 16 million Iraqis - two thirds of the entire population - currently depend on food rations provided through the UN's Oil for Food (OFF) programme and distributed by 45,000 food agents. It is essential that these supply and distribution systems continue to function during the conflict. The longer and more widespread the war, the less likely it is that this will happen, causing hunger to those who depend on this programme. The World Food Programme estimates that between 5 and 10 million people would become immediately vulnerable if OFF supplies are cut off. Therefore, as a matter of urgency, a new UN Security Council resolution is needed to establish alternative food distribution systems in the event of a breakdown of OFF distribution systems. In the same statement, the BOAG reminded the warring parties of their general legal responsibilities in the conduct of war itself:[W]arring parties, including the UK government...have a legal obligation to take all necessary precautions to avoid civilian loss of life, under the Geneva Conventions. In accordance with International Humanitarian Law, civilians and installations essential to the survival of civilians, such as water and sanitation infrastructure, must not be targeted. Disproportionate harm to civilians through damage to dual-use infrastructure, such as roads and electricity supply, must also be avoided. Iraq's largely urban population relies on water pumping and treatment stations for its water and sanitation requirements. These stations in turn rely on electricity to function and could cease to operate without electricity. Attacks that do not distinguish between combatants and non-combatants are prohibited in international law. By their very nature, cluster bombs, fuel air bombs, landmines, chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear weapons can only be indiscriminate, in our opinion. There is a high potential for civilians to be trapped in cities throughout Iraq during this conflict. Even if Iraq deploys human shields close to military targets, forces attacking Iraq still have a responsibility to avoid disproportionate civilian casualties. Read the complete statement by BOAG.


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Executive Order freezes Iraqi assets as part of "financial offensive"
Bernard Hibbitts on March 20, 2003 9:26 PM ET

[JURIST] President Bush Thursday issued an Executive Order freezing non-diplomatic Iraqi government assets in the United States: I, George W. Bush, President of the United States of America, hereby determine that the United States and Iraq are engaged in armed hostilities, that it is in the interest of the United States to confiscate certain property of the Government of Iraq and its agencies, instrumentalities, or controlled entities, and that all right, title, and interest in any property so confiscated should vest in the Department of the Treasury. I intend that such vested property should be used to assist the Iraqi people and to assist in the reconstruction of Iraq, and determine that such use would be in the interest of and for the benefit of the United States. Review the complete text of the Executive Order Confiscating and Vesting Certain Iraqi Property, now posted on the White House website. Treasury Secretary John Snow issued a simultaneous statement announcing that the Executive Order is the beginning of what he called a "financial offensive" against the regime of Saddam Hussein, and he called upon other nations around the world to "identify and freeze all assets of Saddam Hussein, the Iraqi regime, and their agents pursuant to established international obligations."


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Obeying the law of occupation
Bernard Hibbitts on March 20, 2003 11:08 AM ET

[JURIST] After winning an Iraq war, the US might gain the trust of Iraqis and the world at large by obeying the international law of occupation. So says Suzanne Nossel, a former senior adviser to Richard C. Holbrooke, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, writing in the next issue of Legal Affairs, the new magazine associated with Yale Law School: The challenge of rebuilding Iraq after Saddam may offer the United States the chance to recover from the crisis of legitimacy it suffered en route to Baghdad. When a prospective U.S. role in postwar Iraq was first discussed last year, critics pounced from both sides. They ridiculed leaked U.S. plans to install a proconsul in the Douglas MacArthur mold, strutting around with a cob pipe and dictating orders to a humiliated people. The notion of charging such an emissary with securing Iraq as a beachhead for democracy in the Middle East was dismissed as naïve. Yet critics also warned the United States against turning its back on Iraq and leaving the country to succumb to its ethnic divisions.
To shield itself from this dilemma, the Bush Administration should look to an unlikely source of support: international law, specifically the law of occupation. Despite the Administration's pattern of resisting international legal obligations as unbefitting a superpower, a commitment to uphold international law in Iraq will allow the United States to secure its own interests and restore its much-needed legitimacy in the eyes of the world. It will allow America to strike the right balance between overreaching paternalism and hands-off neglect. While the United States would do far better to style itself Iraq's temporary "trustee" or "protector" rather than its "occupier," a public commitment to the law would help to win the confidence of the Iraqis and the international community.
Read the complete article.


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Annan: "Perhaps if we had persevered a little longer..."
Bernard Hibbitts on March 20, 2003 9:56 AM ET

[JURIST] UN Secretary General Kofi Annan made a statement Thursday on the war in Iraq. Watch recorded video from the UN. The Secretary General said: Perhaps if we had persevered a little longer, Iraq could yet have been disarmed peacefully, or - if not - the world could have taken action to solve this problem by a collective decision, endowing it with greater legitimacy, and therefore commanding wider support, than is now the case.... My thoughts today are with the Iraqi people, who face yet another ordeal. I hope that all parties will scrupulously observe the requirements of international humanitarian law, and will do everything in their power to shield the civilian population from the grim consequences of war. The United Nations, for its part, will do whatever it can to bring them assistance and support. Let us hope the future will be much brighter for the Iraqi people than the recent past, and that they will soon have the chance to rebuild their country in peace and freedom, under the rule of law. Read the complete text of the Secretary General's statement.


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Target Saddam - international law on attacks against enemy leaders in wartime
Bernard Hibbitts on March 20, 2003 8:56 AM ET

[JURIST] Thursday's apparent (and apparently-failed) attempt by US forces to hit a number of senior Iraqi leaders - including President Saddam Hussein - as a "target of opportunity" raises the question as to whether individual enemy leaders are legally-legitimate targets in wartime. The short answer seems to be "yes": Both the Hague IV Convention and the laws of war permit attacks upon valid military targets at any time or place. What is included in the category of targets, however, is broader than just troops in the field. Noncombatants and civilians can be designated a valid target if they are sufficiently involved in the war effort. For example, any civilian who directly participates in hostilities would be equivalent, for targeting purposes, to a combatant. Although the exact level of involvement necessary for a civilian to become a valid target has not been fully defined legally, it is usually viewed as being a decision in practice based on context. Civilians who work directly to conduct the war, or occupy a role normally held by a soldier, are valid targets. There is also a legal consensus that a civilian head of state who serves as commander-in-chief of the armed forces falls within this category. For more information, see Nathan Canestaro, American Law and Policy on Assassination of Foreign Leaders: The Practicality of Maintaining the Status Quo, 26 Boston College International and Comparative Law Review 1 (2003).


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White House report on authority to use military force against Iraq
Bernard Hibbitts on March 20, 2003 8:33 AM ET

[JURIST] The White House has issued a 7-page report outlining US authority to use military force against Iraq. The report was released Wednesday in connection with the President's transmittal to Congress [JURIST report] of legal determinations required under the Joint Resolution to Authorize the Use of United States Armed Forces. In respect of law, the report states: The President has full authority to use the armed forces in Iraq under the US Constitution, including his authority as Commander in Chief of the US armed forces. This authority is supported by explicit statutory authorizations contained in the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1) and the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002 (Public Law 107-243).
In addition, U.S. action is consistent with the UN Charter. The UNSC [United Nations Security Council], acting under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, provided that member states, including the United States, have the right to use force in Iraq to maintain or restore international peace and security. The Council authorized the use of force in UNSCR 678 with respect to Iraq in 1990. This resolution - on which the United States has relied continuously and with the full knowledge of the UNSC to use force in 1993, 1996, and 1998 and to enforce the no-fly zones - remains in effect today. In UNSCR 1441, the UNSC unanimously decided again that Iraq has been and remains in material breach of its obligations under relevant resolutions and would face serious consequences if it failed immediately to disarm. And, of course, based on existing facts, including the nature and type of the threat posed by Iraq, the United States may always proceed in the exercise of its inherent right of self defense, recognized in Article 51 of the UN Charter. Read the complete text of the White House report, now online from the State Department.


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War must be conducted lawfully - International Commission of Jurists
Bernard Hibbitts on March 20, 2003 8:20 AM ET

[JURIST] In a statement released Thursday, the Geneva-based International Commission of Jurists said that now that war in Iraq has broken out, it must be conducted lawfully: Now that the military attack has begun in earnest, it is imperative that States take care not to compound one unlawful action with others. All parties are obliged to follow the humanitarian and human rights prescriptions laid in out in the 1949 Geneva Conventions, other relevant international instruments and international customary law. In particular, the fact that Iraq has been illegally invaded in no way absolves it from scrupulously respecting international humanitarian law and human rights law. States which are not taking a part in the hostilities must benefit from, and themselves respect, the rules of neutrality. In particular, they may not allow their territory to be used for military purposes nor may they be made the object of attack.
Belligerents are obliged to treat humanely all persons in their power. They must not attack any persons surrendering. All parties to the conflict must take special care to distinguish between military objectives and civilian persons or objects. The latter may not be made a target of attack. The ICJ would like to stress that all States must scrupulously observe the rules prohibiting or limiting the use of certain weapons. No weapon that is excessively cruel or by nature indiscriminate may be used, even if it is not the object of a treaty prohibition. The ICJ is particularly concerned about reports that some parties may be contemplating using chemical agents. For those States party to the Chemical Weapons Convention, a strict interpretation is indispensable. In addition, the 1925 Geneva Protocol and customary law absolutely prohibit the use of chemical weapons. Read the complete ICJ press release.


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