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Good News About GTMO and Bagram

JURIST Contributing Editor Jeffrey Addicott of St. Mary's University School of Law, formerly a Lieutenant Colonel in the US Army Judge Advocate General's Corps, says President Obama's inability to close the lawful Guantanamo prison is actually good news, but so is the Afghan government's agreement to take over the new Bagram detention facility by the end of 2010....


One of the key issues in the long running “War on Terror” (as recently as January 7, 2010, President Obama acknowledged that the United States was in a “War with Al-Qa’eda”) revolves around the detention of so-called al-Qa’eda and Taliban enemy combatants. With the 2006 release of the 14 “high-value” al-Qa’eda detainees held by the CIA in “undisclosed” locations, all enemy combatant detainees are currently held either at Bagram Air Force Base in Afghanistan (about 800) or the American run detention facility, Camp Delta, at Guantanamo Bay (GTMO), Cuba (about 200).

Under the rule of law associated with armed conflict, all al-Qa’eda and Taliban detainees are unlawful enemy combatants or "unprivileged enemy belligerents", as the recently passed 2009 Military Commissions Act labels them. As such, these individuals are not entitled to Miranda rights, nor are they entitled to the special protections associated with prisoners of war.

Under the law of war, the purpose of detaining these unprivileged enemy belligerents is to ensure that they do not return to join enemy forces and, in this unique situation, to allow American officials the opportunity to gather any necessary intelligence about the terrorists’ organizational infrastructure, financial network, communication system, weapon supply lines, and plans for future terror attacks. As is the practice in all wars, the purpose of detention is not to punish the enemy combatant, but to protect the host nation from future acts of violence by the enemy.

The first good news in the detention issue is that President Obama has not been able to fulfill his stern promise to close the detention facility at GTMO by January 2010, or sooner, because of the “perception” that the United States is in some way acting outside of the rule of law. Of course, this reasoning is incorrect. In reality we are at “War with Al-Qa’eda” and GTMO is therefore perfectly lawful. Indeed, closing GTMO would only provide a significant propaganda victory to our enemies, not a public relations victory.

In addition, during the first year of the Obama Administration, few seemed the least bit curious about where we were sending al-Qa’eda detainees if not to GTMO. In fact, they were and are being sent to join the hundreds and hundreds of al-Qa’eda and Taliban unprivileged enemy belligerents at Bagram, Air Force Base. The same legal authority that allows the United States to lawfully detain al-Qa’eda and Taliban fighters at GTMO is used at Bagram. In other words, if President Obama believes that we need to apologize for GITMO and close it down, then we certainly need to apologize for the far larger detention facility at Bagram and close it down.

To be sure, this double standard has not been lost on detainees at Bagram. In the past year, at least four separate lawsuits were filed in the federal district court in Washington DC by individuals captured outside Afghanistan seeking, among other things, the right of habeas review of their status as “enemy combatants.” When the cases were consolidated, the Obama Administration strongly argued that the four were not entitled to habeas review because they were in fact enemy combatants and lawfully detained under the applicable law of war and Congress’s 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF). Unfortunately for the United States, in each case (except for a detainee who was a citizen of Afghanistan), the federal court ruled against the Obama Administration. Relying on Boumediene v. Bush (2008), the federal district court held that the Constitution guarantees habeas rights to Bagram detainees.

Clearly, the granting of habeas to unprivileged enemy belligerents in far off Afghanistan poses serious difficulties for the Obama Administration, but this matter may well be overcome by the second piece of good news associated with detention issues. In early January 2010, the Afghan Defense Ministry announced that it had agreed to take over the new 60-million-dollar (US funded) Bagram detention facility by the end of 2010. This means that the Afghan government would be solely responsible for detaining and prosecuting all detainees. If this comes to pass, the United States may be able to close a significant chapter in dealing with the vast majority of the unprivileged enemy belligerents captured in the War on Terror. Good news indeed.

Jeffrey F. Addicott [Lt. Col. (ret.) US Army] is a Distinguished Professor of Law and the director of the Center for Terrorism Law at St. Mary’s University School of Law, San Antonio, Texas. He has served as an expert advisor to the government on the military commissions’ process. Addicott also served as the senior legal advisor to the U.S. Army Special Forces. He recently testified before the Senate Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Administrative Oversight and the Courts hearing entitled: “What Went Wrong, Torture and the Office of the Legal Counsel in the Bush Administration,” in Washington, DC.

February 01, 2010


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Comments:

How far we have gone from Oliver Wendell Holmes, who wrote of probability and the limits of the law. None of that for Mr. Addicott, who writes of the "perfectly lawful" Guantanamo prison camp.
In some ways, the article is perfect satire. Up there with prosecutor Vyshinsky and the Moscow show trials of the 1930's-- all you need is a confession, whether it's in occupied Cuba or in occupied Afghanistan. What has happened to our country in the last decade, with the so-called debates on the legality of torture and indefinite confinement, is perfectly awful.

February 02, 2010  

For me, the key passages from Jeffrey Addicott's essay are:

"to allow American officials the opportunity to gather any necessary intelligence about the terrorists' organizational infrastructure, financial network, communication system, weapon supply lines, and plans for future terror attacks."

"As such, these individuals are not entitled to Miranda rights, nor are they entitled to the special protections associated with prisoners of war."

Mr. Addicott wants to hold suspected terrorists, BEFORE it is known whether they have ANY of the "intelligence" he seeks and BEFORE he knows whether they are guilty of any offense against the United States.

Mr. Addicott thinks U.S. military and security services should be allowed to MAKE these suspects talk. He doesn't use the word "torture" but that's where it will lead once again.

Looking at Mr. Addicott's fine credentials, I tend to think he knows where his policy proposals will lead. Haven't we had enough?

Nicholas Miller Jackson, J.D., LL.M.
Florida Bar Member No. 167983

February 02, 2010  

No-- this is not about "suspected terrorists" as that term is understood under a criminal law paradigm. This is about combatants under the laws of war. If a detained individual was an enemy combatant, that person can be detained until the cessation of hostilities.

Now, there's an epistemological problem--that is, how do we know if someone was a combatant? I don't know the answer to that, but the previous Combatant Status Review Tribunals were probably deficient.

The solution is not to try detainees as terror suspects under U.S. (or international) law. It is unreasonable to expect a combat unit to collect admissible evidence while trying to establish a secure perimeter and return incoming fire.

We shouldn't just release enemy combatants, because they will come back to the battlefield--as a few former GITMO detainees have. Instead, following the Geneva Convention, we should hold enemy combatants until the cessation of hostilities.

Will it be a long time until hostilities are over? Sure. But the Geneva Convention, the touchstone of how we (should) comport ourselves in armed conflict, allows a belligerent nation, like the U.S., to keep enemy belligerents in detention. Once the threat of al Qaeda has passed, we will release their operatives. Not before.

February 03, 2010  

To the anonymous poster of February 3, 2010, an individual can be simultaneously a "suspected terrorist" under criminal law and an "enemy combatant" under the laws of war. The ordinary criminal defendant doesn't have to talk to anyone once he or she invokes his or her right to an attorney. Under the Geneva Conventions, the ordinary prisoner of war only has to give his or her name, rank, serial number and date of birth once he or she is captured.

What Jeffrey Addicott and his ilk want to do is relegate people such as the underpants bomber to a third sort of subhuman status that is neither criminal defendant nor prisoner of war. President George Bush started us down that road with his February 7, 2002 order when he stated that the Geneva Conventions did not apply to al Qaeda and al Qaeda detainees did not qualify as prisoners of war. President Bush ordered such detainees be "treated humanely and, to the extent appropriate and consistent with military necessity, in a manner consistent with the principles of Geneva."

We now know, with the advent of the U.S. Supreme Court's decisions in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557; 126 S. Ct. 2749; 165 L. Ed. 2d 723 (2006) and Boumediene v. Bush, 553 U.S. ___; 128 S. Ct. 2229 (2008), that even al Qaeda detainees are not subhumans who are wholly stripped of Geneva Convention and U.S. Constitutional law protection. Maybe the vaunted "law of war" expert, Jeffrey Addicott, should have mentioned the little setbacks Hamdan and Boumediene gave to President Bush's February 2, 2002 order.

Jeffrey Addicott doesn’t want to mention much about the applicable provisions of the Geneva Conventions or U.S. constitutional law because he wanted the underpants bomber to be questioned with all the urgency of a ticking time bomb suspect -- as if the al Qaeda bomb makers hadn’t already fled their safe houses once they put their stupid recruit on a plane bound for Detroit.

Considering that the underpants bomber acted much more like a mass murderer trying to kill only civilians rather than a soldier trying to kill other soldiers, it was not an abuse of discretion for U.S. prosecutors to charge him as a criminal under the federal criminal statutes.

The practical effect of what President Bush ordered in February of 2002 was torture that extended to the guilty, the innocent, and all manner of individuals who were neither Taliban nor al Qaeda. Once word got out that President Bush had ordered the “gloves to come off” the U.S. even tortured an Iraqi Major General to death.

The policy Jeffrey Addicott wants to resurrect is a failed policy and is illegal under U.S. law.

Nicholas Miller Jackson, J.D., LL.M.

February 04, 2010  

Mr. Jackson,

I get your argument, and I agree with you that the Bush regime of neither-fish-nor-fowl "enemy fighter" (or whatever the GITMO detainees were originally termed) was, and is, unlawful.

My point is that the Geneva Convention includes a ban on torture, but includes much more, such as a ban on POW slave labor, and less grave proscriptions such as billetting officers with enlisted prisoners. Critically, though, the Convention allows the detention of enemy combatants until the conflict is over. This is not controversial--we did not release captured Germans, Japanese, North Koreans, Iraqis (Gulf War 1), or any other enemy during ongoing hostilities (save POW exchanges, as happened between N. Vietnam and US forces; but that was not legally or constitutionally mandated, but rather a politico-miliatry decision).

Just because al Qaeda is a non-state enemy does not change the Convention. Al Qaeda and its affiliated organizations meet enough of the requirements of a belligerent force to be so treated under the law of armed conflict. Therefore, the typical Geneva Convention protections apply, as to the permissible actions the capturing force can take. That includes detention until hostilities the end of hostilities.

You're right that under Hamdan, Rumsfeld et al. were legally in the wrong to create a third, extra-constitutional detainee status. Torture was wrong then, and those who allowed, ordered, conducted, and condoned torture should be held to account. My point is simply that under the AUMF and the law of armed conflict, including the Geneva Convention, the legal safeguards are already in place to properly deal with captured combatants. That the Bush administration so botched this issue from the get go is evidence of poor coordination between legal, military, and political advisors.

February 04, 2010  


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